Key members of the parliamentary committee say their assessment of the pros and cons of clinching a deal with Pakistan will depend to a large extent on what Cowen and Patten have to say to the EU assembly after their trip.

The EU team’s focus in Pakistan is expected to be on the domestic political situation, including human rights, two key concerns raised by European Parliamentarians. “We have a lot of questions about Pakistani politics,” says an EU diplomat. Trade issues, especially Pakistan’s unhappiness over planned EU anti-dumping duties on Pakistani bed linen, are expected to be raised.

But the EU team will be especially anxious to get first-hand information on Pakistan’s improving relations with India and efforts to curb Taliban activity in Afghanistan - the two countries that the EU team will be visiting before arriving in Islamabad.

Pakistan and India’s dramatic decision to move from confrontation to cooperation has been hailed by senior EU politicians, including Patten and EU security chief Javier Solana who say they are prepared to give the emerging friendship a helping hand.

Officials in Brussels say they could revive a long-standing proposal for technical assistance to the SAARC Secretariat in Nepal. “Our hope is that this new momentum in South Asia will continue,” says an EU diplomat.

Important hurdles remain, however. EU governments, while seeking a stronger global role and closer ties with leading Asian countries, have long been divided on how best to deal with Pakistan, with the country’s complex and multi-faceted profile clearly defying easy categorisation – and easy policy responses.

Despite a widening network of ties in Asia, therefore developing a coherent strategy for relations with Pakistan remains a challenge for EU policymakers.

While India is lauded by EU politicians as the world’s largest democracy and China is increasingly attractive for European investors and traders, many in the EU admit it is not easy to make a similarly strong case for a country which has a long history of military rule, a patchy human rights record and an unfortunate reputation for meddling in the affairs of its neighbours.

There is recognition, however, that Pakistan cannot be ignored. It is after all the world’s seventh largest country, a key Muslim nation – and a pivotal regional player. Crucially, also many in Europe are impressed by President Perwez Musharraf’s decision post 9/11 to cut off ties with the Taliban militia in Afghanistan and join the U.S.- led campaign against terrorism, recognising that the move has put Islamabad firmly in the Western camp.

“There is a struggle in the EU between those who favour a realpolitik view of Pakistan and those who have a principled approach, with the focus on human rights,” admits an EU diplomat. EU policy towards Pakistan is therefore sometimes led by pragmatists, as was the case post 9/11, and sometimes by pro-democracy hardliners, especially in the European Parliament who want democracy and the rule of law to get top priority.

Small wonder then that for many in Brussels and other EU capitals, tackling Pakistan’s complexities and securing EU agreement on how best to deal with the country remains an uphill struggle.

This duality in EU policy-making also means that although Islamabad and the EU signed a cooperation pact in the 1970s and Europe remains by far the largest market for Pakistani exports, relations between the two sides continue to blow hot and cold.

With no firm EU guidelines or well-planned strategy to rely on, Europe’s policies towards Pakistan have mostly reflected the ups and downs of democracy in the country, its often-turbulent relations with neighbours and the changing global and regional environment.

Relations took a dive after Musharraf’s bloodless military coup in 1999 but were back up again only two years later as EU governments hastened to reward an anti-terror coalition partner which despite domestic risks, made a strong commitment to fighting the Taliban and Al Qaeda. EU governments agreed in autumn 2001 to upgrade political relations with Pakistan, signed a new cooperation pact and quickly granted Islamabad millions of euros worth of trade concessions and financial aid. President Musharraf’s 12 January 2002 landmark speech with its clear message that Pakistan would not be turned into a theocratic state in the name of misled Islamic doctrine, was welcomed by all European governments. By April of the same year, however, EU policymakers watched in alarm as Musharraf organised a controversial referendum to ensure he stayed on as president.

After an EU election observer mission which monitored Pakistan’s general elections in October 2002 said the poll was “seriously flawed,” relations were once again plunged into a diplomatic no-man’s land, with the European Parliament refusing to ratify the 2001 cooperation accord because of concerns over democracy and human rights in Pakistan.

There is growing recognition in the EU, however, that allowing relations with Islamabad to remain in limbo does not serve the interest of either side. With no formal bilateral accord with Islamabad, EU governments lack a strong and stable platform for influencing Pakistan’s political directions and demanding improvements in human rights.

Policymakers in Islamabad, meanwhile, remain frustrated in their efforts to balance Pakistan’s traditionally close relationship with the US with a stronger European connection.

Giving EU-Pakistan relations a much-needed new lease of life, however, requires that both sides take a fresh look at each other and focus on the bigger picture. The EU especially must ensure it has a stronger voice in South Asia, particularly since the SAARC summit means that Pakistan and India are taking swift steps toward normalising ties.

Pakistan, meanwhile, will have to start thinking seriously of the EU as more than just an important trading partner with which it has squabbles over issues like anti-dumping. Sporadic attention paid to the EU will have to be backed up by a more sustained effort to make permanent friends with an increasingly influential soon-to-be Union of 25 countries.

Shada Islam is a Brussels-based journalist specialising in Asia